The rumour that the burning of the barn in Crediton was a deliberate act of arson spread rapidly through the Devon villages; the ire of the common people was now directed against the Protestant gentry. Hooker relates this incident involving Walter Raleigh, father of the illustrious Elizabethan seafarer, who happened to be passing Clyst St Mary where the Devon rebels had rallied and were beginning to fortify their position.
It was a holy day and Walter was on his way to Exeter from his home nearby when he passed an old woman going towards the parish church with a pair of beads in her hand. He asked her what she did with the beads and then began to chastise her for showing disrespect for the religious reforms that were now enshrined in law, warning her that she would be punished if she disobeyed these laws.
They erected barricades on the bridge crossing the River Clyst on the road to Exeter, using felled trees and munitions taken from the nearby naval base at Topsham to strengthen the blockade. Meanwhile, some of the rebels chased after Raleigh and intercepted him. They would quite likely have murdered him on the spot had he not been rescued by some mariners from Exmouth. He was later recaptured and held prisoner in the tower of St Sidwell's church outside the city walls of Exeter for the duration of the rebellion.
News having reached Protector Somerset and the Council of the deteriorating security situation in Devon, on June 20th John Russell the Lord Privy Seal was appointed by the Council to represent them in the region. He was directed to:
Somerset was reluctant to redeploy the mercenary forces he was readying for war against Scotland and was concerned that the French might use the turmoil in the Westcountry to mount an invasion. Denied a supporting army, Russell was told to adopt a conciliatory tone towards the rebels, so as to bring the restive people to such conformitie as appertayneth by travayl and gentle persuasions [ibid.]. If this approach did not prevail, only then should he:
Russell was a natural choice for this role, having lead the short-lived Council of the West in 1540. On his current mission he was accompanied by Miles Coverdale, a former Augustinian friar who was now a militant Protestant preacher. With insufficient fighting men to take on the rebels camped outside Exeter, Russell's party remained at Honiton awaiting the promised reinforcements.
Having been apprised of the latest developments, on June 23rd Sir Peter Carew mustered the justices and others who set off for Clyst St Mary with the intention of persuading the rebels to disperse peacefully. On arrival Sir Peter dismounted and walked on foot towards the fortified bridge. Because of his anti-Catholic stance and his role in the recent burning of the barns in Crediton, he was despised by those manning the barricades and his life was in imminent danger.
Sir Peter immediately withdrew and they sent in a messenger to inform the rebels that they only intended to engage in friendly discourse with them and listen to their grievances. In reply, they agreed to hold talks, but only with Sir Hugh Pollard, Sir Thomas Denys of Bicton, and Thomas Yarde of Bradley: the others including the Carews were to remain on the opposite side of the bridge.
Carew and the others became increasingly restless as the day wore on; with no indication as to how the discussions were progressing they were minded to send a small party across the bridge to investigate. The friends and servants of the three negotiators were strongly opposed to this, as this breach of promise would put Pollard and his companions in mortal danger, and this opinion prevailed. Eventually one or two of Carew's party moved down river and tested the depth of the water with their staves, but they were spotted by a lookout and the alarm was raised. Denys and the other two gentlemen felt imperilled in the ensuing commotion.
Most of the gentlemen set out the following morning to return to their homes, but several were apprehended and imprisoned; a few avoided capture by going into hiding. Sir Peter Carew departed very early from the Mermaid Inn, where they had stayed overnight. Finding one route unblocked he was able to make his way unimpeded to meet up with Lord Russell who had by now reached Hinton St George in Somerset. A few of the gentlemen had remained in Exeter and they alerted the mayor John Blackaller that the rebels had not been pacified, and the city was in danger. The mayor immediately cancelled the annual midsummer's eve celebrations and set about preparing for the defence of the city.
On hearing Carew's account of the worsening situation, Russell urged him to report back to the Council immediately. To his surprise and dismay he was severely reprimanded by Somerset and the Lord Chancellor Richard Rich for being insufficiently conciliatory in his dealings with the rebels.
On his return Sir Peter found that Russell and his party had moved across the Devon border and set up camp in Honiton, some 20 miles from Exeter, where they remained awaiting the promised reinforcements.
The people of Devon had now been joined at Clyst St Mary by the larger and better armed contingent from Cornwall under Sir Humphrey Arundell. Before advancing with the intention of laying siege to Exeter should the city refuse to join the rebellion, a final list of demands was drawn up consisting of a number of Articles. Several versions exist with differing text and number of items; the longest list contains the 16 items tabulated below. The left-hand column has the Articles with the original spelling; an equivalent with contemporary spelling appears alongside.
The Articles of us the Commoners of Devonshire and Cornwall in divers Campes by East and West of Excettor. [note1]
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1. Fyrst we wyll have the general counsall and holy decrees of our forefathers observed, kept and performed, and who so ever shal agayne saye them, we hold them as Heretikes. |
l. We will have all the general councils and holy decrees of our forefathers observed, kept and performed, and whosoever shall gainsay them, we hold as heretics. |
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2. Item we wiil have the Lawes of our Soverayne Lord Kyng Henry the viii concernynge the syxe articles, to be in use again, as in hys time they were. |
2. We will have the laws of our sovereign lord King Henry VIII concerning the six articles to be used again as in his time they were. [note2] |
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3. Item we will have the masse in Latten, as was before, and celebrated by the Pryest wythoute any man or woman communycatyng wyth hym. |
3. We will have the Mass in Latin as it was before, and celebrated by the priest without any man or woman communicating with him. |
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4. Item we will have the Sacrement hange over the hyeyhe aulter, and there to be worshypped as it was wount to be, and they whiche will not therto consent, we wyl have them dye lyke heretykes against the holy Catholyque fayth. |
4. We will have the sacrament hung over the high altar, and thus be worshipped as it was wont to be, and they which do not thereunto consent, we will have them die like heretics against the holy Catholic faith. |
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5. Item we wyll have the Sacramet of the aulter but at Easter delyvered to the lay people, and then but in one kynde. |
5. We will have the sacrament of the altar but at Easter delivered to the people, and then but in one kind. |
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6. ltem we wil that our Curattes shal minister the Sacramet of Baptisme at all tymes aswel in the weke daye as on the holy daye. |
6. We will that our curates shall minister the sacrament of baptism at all times, as well on the week days as on the holy days. |
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7. Item we wyl have holy bread and holy water made every sondaye, Palmes and asshes at the tymes accustomed, Images to be set up again in every church, and all other auncient olde Ceremonyes used heretofore, by our mother the holy Church. |
7. We will have holy bread and holy water made every Sunday, palms and ashes at the times accustomed, images to be set up again in every church, and all other ancient ceremonies held heretofore by our Mother the Holy Church. |
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8. Item we wil not receyve the newe servye because it is but lyke a Christmas game, but we wyll have oure olde service of Mattens, masse, Evensong and procession in Latten not in English, as it was before. And so we the Cornyshe men (whereof certen of us understande no Englysh) utterly refuse thys newe Englysh. |
8. We will not receive the new service because it is but like a Christmas game. We will have our old service of matins, Mass, evensong and procession as it was before; and we Cornishmen, whereof certain of us understand no English, utterly refuse the new English. |
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9. Item we wyll have everye preacher in his sermon, and every Pryest at hys masse, praye specially by name for the soules in purgatory, as oure forefathers dyd. |
9. We will have every preacher in his sermon, and every priest at the Mass pray, especially by name, for the souls in purgatory as our forefathers did. |
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10. Item we wyll have the whole Byble and al bokes of scripture in Englysh to be called in agayn, fol we be enformed that otherwise the Clergye, shal not of log time confound the heretykes. |
10. We will have the Bible and all books of scripture in English called in again, for we be informed that otherwise the clergy shall not of long time confound the heretics |
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11. Item we wyll have Doctor Moreman and Doctor Crispin which holde our opinions to be savely sent unto us and to them we requyre the Kinges maiesty, to geve some certain lyvinges, to preach amonges us our Catholycke fayth. |
11. We will have Doctor Moreman and Doctor Crispin, which hold our opinions, to be safely sent unto us, and to them we require the King's Majesty to give some certain livings to preach among us our Catholic faith. [note3] |
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12. Item we thinke it very mete because the lord Cardinal Pole is of the kynges bloode, should not only have hys free pardon, but also sent for to Rome and promoted to be first or secod of the kinges cousayl. |
12. We think it meet, because the Lord Cardinal Pole is of the King's blood, that he should not only have his pardon, but also be sent for from Rome, and promoted to be of the King's Council. |
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13. Item we wyll that no Gentylman shall have anye mo servantes then one to wayte upo hym excepte he maye dispende one hundreth marke land and for every hundreth marke we thynke it reasonable, he should have a man and no mo. |
13. We will that no gentleman shall have any more servants than one to wait upon him, except he may dispend of a hundred marks in land, and for every hundred marks we think it reasonable that he should have a man. |
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14. Item we wyll that the halfe parte of the abbey landes and Chauntrye landes, in everye mans possessyons, how so ever he cam by them, be geven again to two places, where two of the chief Abbeis was with in every Countye, where suche half part shalbe taken out, and there to be establyshed a place for devout persons, whych shall pray for the Kyng and the common wealth, and to the same we wyll have al the almes of the Churche box geven for these seven yeres, and for thys article we desire that we may name half of the Commissioners. |
14. We will that the half part of the abbey lands and chantry lands in every man's possession, however he came by them, be given again to the places where two of the chief abbeys were within every county where such half part shall be taken out; and there to be established a place for devout persons, which shall pray for the King and the Commonwealth, and to the same we will have all the alms of the church box given for seven years, and for this article we desire to name half the Commissioners. [note4] |
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15. Item for the particular grieffes of our Countrye, we wyll have them so ordered, as Hunfreye Arundell, and Henry Braye the Kynges Maior of Bodma, shall enforme the Kynges Maiestye, yf they maye have salve-coduct under the Kynges great Seale, to passe and repasse, with an Heroalde of Armes. |
15. For the particular griefs of our country, we will have them ordered as Humphry Arundell and Henry Bray, the King's Mayor of Bodmin, shall inform the King's Majesty, if they may have a safe conduct in the King's great seal to pass and repass with an herald of arms. [note5] |
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16. Item for the performance of these articles we will have iiii Lordes viii Knightes xii Esquyers xx Yome, pledges with us untill the Kynges Maiestie have grounted al these by Parliament. |
16. For the performance of these articles we will have four lords, eight knights, twelve esquires, and twenty yeomen pledged unto us until the King's Majesty have granted all these by Parliament. [note6] |
The articles were signed by the five 'chiefe captaynes' and 'the foure Governours of the Campes'. The governors were Henry Bray, Major of Bodmin, Henry Lee, Mayor of Torrington, and Roger Barrett and John Thompson who were priests; the chief captain signatories were Humphrey Arundell, John Bury, John Sloeman, Thomas Underhill, and William Segar. Bury of Silverton in the Exe Valley was second in command to Arundell, making him leader of the Devon contingent. Underhill and Segar were ring-leaders of the Sampford Courtenay uprising.
The Articles amounted to more than a renunciation of all the changes in religious practice imposed since the last days of Henry VIII's reign: a pathetic manifesto of Catholic reaction according to Rowse[p271]. They stopped short of demanding the restoration of Papal authority, though Julian Cornwall suggests that the reinstatement of Cardinal Pole (the Catholic leader in exile and former Dean of Exeter cathedral) would be tantamount to this. The demands were not dismissed out of hand by the leadership in London and three separate responses were drafted.
Article 13, uniquely of a secular nature, was the most surprising. Limiting the number of servants that a gentleman may employ seemed contrary to the usual complaint of the peasantry that they didn't hire as many as they could afford to, leading to underemployment and its attendant poverty. Their intention may have been to reduce the number of men that the gentry could mobilize to forcibly impose their will on the populace.
Mayor Blackaller and his aldermen steadfastly refused to join the rebels, more out of loyalty to king and country than for their attachment to Protestantism. So on July 2nd with some 2000 men (in Hooker's estimation) Arundell moved forward towards the city, marching under the Banner of the Five Wounds that had been adopted 13 years earlier in the Pilgrimage of Grace. The suburbs were soon under rebel control and they set up camps encircling the city walls from St David's Down on the north-west, by St Sidwell's to the north, and along the Southernhay as far as Westgate.
The identity of five young men who joined one of these camps are known to us thanks to the diligence of a 16th century priest and the scholarship of historian Eamon Duffy. The small community of Morebath on the edge of Exmoor was served from 1520 to 1574 by the same parish priest, Sir Christopher Trychay, whose records on behalf of the churchwardens went far beyond the usual dry book-keeping; they provided a vivid insight into the lives and doings of the inhabitants of a single Devon village as they experienced the upheavals of the Reformation.
In The Voices of Morebath [Duffy, p136] attention is drawn to a mistake in Binney's earlier transcription of Trychay's accounts[3] that led other historians to overlook the reference to payments being made for the expenses of five named individuals from the village who were to join the rebel camp at St David's Down in July of 1549: Binney had transcribed sent davys down as sent denys down. Trychay later attempted to cross out the incriminating references to 'camppe' in the parish records, but the words are still identifiable. Duffy[p135] lays out the evidence that of the five who joined the rebels only two ever returned.
